Chapter 2: What's "Left"? Part IV

Having analyzed the fascist corner of the will to power, we must now analyze what the will to power means in the socialist corner. This is important, because it is here that the typical American liberal criticisms of socialism are rooted. The socialist will to power has been slandered as "totalitarian," "ruthless," and "a violation of human rights" by spineless liberal geeks who can't speak German because Stalin lived and ruled. It is important that we refute these lies in the main, because they are the main stumbling block to the widespread adoption of socialist values on this continent.

The will to power is where the notion of gulags came from. As much as anarchists and other liberals love to criticise the gulags, before the MLs came along and suggested "liquidating the bourgeoisie" through reform, the anarchists would just line up the bougies against a wall and shoot them. Gulags were meant to be more humane, a way to rehabilitate people morally deadened by being a beneficiary of capitalism and change their class interests through labor so that they were ready to become solid workers upon reentry to society. Meanwhile, society would benefit from their labor. The White Sea Canal built by gulag labor was just one of many works that shortened the supply lines to the Soviet front during WWII while reforging bougies and petty bougies into workers and thus turned the tide of the war, so the benefit of gulags to society is not trivial (Robert McNeal, Stalin: Man and Ruler, pp. 142-4).

Moreover, most inmates did return alive and healthy. Even the worst-treated inmates, the Wehrmacht soldiers not permitted to leave until every last brick of Stalingrad was rebuilt, were kept alive enough, if as thoroughly miserable and exploited as they deserved, to return home in 1953 after Stalin's death (The Cold War, "What Happened to the German and Japanese POWS?" https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JLK1xQV9B84).

As we saw earlier, academics are petties and are thus paid to lie for the bougies. Sometimes, they do this so well they mistake bootheels for lollipops. One such was a man named Robert Conquest, who earned a groaning resume full of bougie honors by repeating Nazi lies and saying 20 million Soviet citizens died under "Stalinist terror." When the Soviet archives were opened after the Cold War and the true number was revealed (having been recorded by people proud of what they were doing), it recorded 799,455 deaths, and these mostly the worst of the worst. The KGB defector Ilya Dzhirkvelov describes having to fight his way up a mountain of counterrevolutionary bandits in the Crimean Peninsula in 1944. This is a man that loathed Khrushchev and defected to the West, but had no squeamish feelings about putting these people down like dogs. These were people who preferred to die shooting their own countrymen for the right to be filthy rich than see the backs of the Nazis (Ilya Dzhirkvelov, Secret Servant, pp. 25-6). If those 799,455 people had been spared, presumably they would have been out there making Stalin and every Soviet citizen regret the clemency.

Who were these people Stalin had shot? They were the remnants of the tsarist Black Hundreds, a sort of Orthodox Ku Klux Klan that ran around and killed Jews for the Tsar. They were the kulaks, wealthy farmers who in the midst of a famine set their grain on fire to negotiate a better price with the government, and who were the back of the pro-Nazi counterinsurgency in Ukraine. They were liberals who thought that grabbing the coattails of a revolution after it started once in 1917 entitled them to a cookie and a say forever, and then used their liberal opinions to monkeywrench the machinery of class war and revolution from the inside. They were opportunists that didn't care about anything but getting ahead in life, whatever flag you swore to. And despite America's own propaganda denying it, they were quite often literally what they were claimed to be - spies for the West, deliberately engaging in economic sabotage to prevent the establishment of a Soviet military-industrial complex. This was in a country the West had militarily invaded only a decade or two earlier in the Polar Bear Expedition, and even KGB defectors like Dzhirkvelov admit the extensive attempted penetration of the Soviet Union in this era by Western intelligence was real.

Continue reading Part V