Chapter 6: Yo Dawg, I Herd U Liek Class Analysis And Revolution, So I Class Analyzed Revolution So You Can Tank While You Tank: Part III

On the Allied side, the conservative Winston Churchill led Britain alone against Hitler until Operation Barbarossa brought the socialist Soviet Union in, and Pearl Harbor brought the social democratic FDR administration in America in. Also with the Allies were nazbol Greece, socdem Mexico, socialist Mongolia, fascist Kuomintang China, as well as various Third Worldist socialist and nazbol-positioned guerrilla movements in East Asia.

The end result of World War II was the collapse of colonialism, whether in its liberal, conservative, or fascist guises; and the establishment and preservation of various leftist economic models. Socialism was preserved in the Soviet bloc until the death of Stalin, social democracy was preserved in the West until Reagan and Thatcher, and "revolutionary nationalists" held to a fairly Marxist economic course until the death of the revolutionary generation and the rise of the Deng Xiaopings in China and Vietnam, when the nazbols flipped across the central void of lumpen nihilism to become the red liberal capitalist-roaders they are to this day. No great political changes were made other than the collapse of colonial borders, and the economic changes were mostly social democratic and therefore undone in a generation. It's harder, therefore, to see WWII as bringing the economic revolution that usually accompanies a conservative-socialist victory. But even if colonialism was mostly just replaced with American-led neocolonialism, the formal death of colonialism improved the lives and rights of billions of the global working class. The social democratic parties' rise in the West was also a sort of change in the relations of workers to the means of production, by giving a huge chunk of Western society petty class interests.

World War II, we are discovering, was not the last gasp of fascism. When pushed, the liberal West became socdem for a generation, but social democracy reverts to liberalism which gives way to fascism which is why we're here. The next great revolutionary war will have to be more firmly rooted in true Marxism-Leninism, at least if it's to be the last. But we shouldn't judge the outcome of the war too harshly: that the West was socdem at all is down to the power of Stalin's system to appeal to workers, and the military power it had to endure. One country that mattered was Marxist-Leninist, and it and the dialectic was enough to drag humanity out of the concentration camps and into space. That country forced its enemies to pettify its workers to beat it, and their over-educated and under-employed children are now thousands, millions of Stalins.

So World War II did change our relations to the means of production; it just started the process. Capitalism is too powerful for a single world war to kill; may the next one finish it off.

This is the basics of class-analyzing revolutions. If you can understand what classes and positions to look for in any conflict, you can discern the correct side in any conflict. If the entire working class held the correct line through analysis, then as I pointed out in Chapter 1, it can hold power indefinitely. That means that you, the reader, need to internalize the process of class analysis laid out in this book so you can think for yourself. Like I said, one Stalin gave the world social democracy for a generation, but thousands of them will deliver socialism forever.

It remains that knowledge of history and geography helps inform class analysis, and some are naturally better at it than others. Still, nowadays a simple Google search can remedy most gaps in information in that regard. Knowledge has never been as democratically-held as it is now.

So we know how to analyze class, and we've seen how class analysis tells us how we can achieve socialism starting from our current material conditions: a communist-dominated "Radical Republican" faction takes over the GOP and rides a sort of Marxist-Lincolnist strategy to winning a civil war by winning an election and scaring finance capital into rising again. Then, we can easily ally with the conservaties to defend the flag, constitution and Republic against all capitalist foes foreign and domestic. In both cases, we will require a communist organization, probably several.

That leads me to the next part of this manifesto, a simple but profound dialectical march through history that demonstrates our best strategy going forward. If the civil war comes, we will need the power this strategy builds. If the fascists and liberals are even more cowardly than I anticipate, we will still need the power this strategy builds, because eventually they will indeed rise again, and before that we will have our hands full organizing a humanitarian response that the liberal bourgeoisie never will. We will have to organize to do many things at once.

Onwards to Chapter 7!